Foreign policy of the USSR during the years of perestroika. National politics of the USSR
Section I
The development of the USSR and its place in the world in the 80s of the XX century
Internal policy of state power in the USSR by the early 1980s. Features of ideology, national, cultural and socio-economic policy.
When N.S. Khrushchev was removed from the posts of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, it was possible to avoid creating an emergency situation, and the resignation procedure itself did not formally violate either the current Constitution or the party charter. It was carried out publicly, with almost complete coincidence of the sentiments of the ruling elite and ordinary citizens. Khrushchev signed a statement renouncing all posts, approved by the plenum of the Central Committee on October 14, 1964. A report on the decision of the Presidium was made by M. A. Suslov, who focused only on Khrushchev’s personal qualities, but ignored his political failures. The First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee himself did not speak, and the debate on the report was not opened. Later, Khrushchev considered it his merit that to remove it, it only took a decision of the plenum, and not repression, as under Stalin.
The Plenum elected new party and government leaders who were not as authoritarian as Stalin or as unpredictable as Khrushchev. L. I. Brezhnev was elected First Secretary of the Central Committee, A. N. Kosygin was elected Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
Beginning of the form
"Kosygin reform"
Accusing Khrushchev of voluntarism, the new leadership proclaimed scientific approach to the economy. At the same time, two lines collided: on the use of economic ( market , cost accounting, material interest of enterprises and workers ) Andadministrative (improving the economic mechanism) methods.
Reforms begun in 1965 increased the degree of economic independence of enterprises. Cost accounting was introduced ( management method based on the comparison of costs and performance results). He assumed a reduction in the number of standard planned indicators. Enterprises were given the opportunity to adjust the plans they set. Was introduced financial incentive system producers: they were allowed to keep part of the profits at their disposal, which went to expand production, material incentives for workers and social development.
Although indecisiveness and conservatism did not allow the reformers' plan to unfold fully, certain achievements by the end of the 1960s. were present. In agriculture, the effect of these innovations became evident already in 1966: the income of collective and state farms increased by 15%, which stimulated the overall growth of agricultural production.
The completion of the formation of the unified energy system of the USSR can be considered a great success, which created a significant prerequisite for the intensification of the entire national economy of the country. The Soviet Union has noticeably increased its competitiveness in the foreign market. The welfare of the people has increased. Domestic cars, construction and agricultural equipment appeared, passenger aircraft, some consumer products, televisions, washing machines, refrigerators and many other goods that have become in demand not only in socialist, but also in a number of developed capitalist countries.
At the same time, there was no fundamental change in the nature of the development of the Soviet economy: its growth continued to be ensured primarily not through a noticeable increase in labor productivity (intensity), but through the involvement of ever new resources in production (extensiveness). homeThe reason for the difficulties in implementing A. N. Kosygin’s reform was the opposition to reforms on the part of conservative-minded leaders.
Transition to "I'm stagnant" was marked by the proclamation of a course towards “improving the economic mechanism.” Externally, this course differs little from the previous one. The same tasks were set - the development of self-financing, material incentives, turning production to the needs of workers, etc. However, in practice this was expressed in strengthening centralized management and a return to indicators focused on quantitative, but not qualitative, production growth. Meanwhile, people's demands gradually grew and came into increasingly sharp conflict with the capabilities of the domestic economy. The result of this was chronic deficiency
industrial and food products, often affecting essential goods. Already at the end of the 1970s. There were isolated attempts to introduce the sale of certain types of food using coupons. In the early 1980s. This situation has become practically the norm for most regions of the country, including most republics. “Islands” of very relative prosperity remained Moscow, Leningrad, the capitals of the union republics and “closed” cities that worked for the defense industry - Arzamas-16, Chelyabinsk-40, etc.
Not the least role in creating this situation was played by the existing imbalances in the Soviet economy associated with intensifying arms race
.
By the mid-1980s. every third ton of bread products was produced from imported grain. The sources of foreign currency for purchases abroad are gold and foreign exchange reserves, external loans and export earnings. The use of gold reserves during Brezhnev's times was relatively rare. The main focus was on increasing profitability from foreign trade. The easiest way to gain a place in the foreign market was to export fuel and minerals.
During the global economic crisis of 1973, as a result of a 20-fold increase in world oil prices and an 8-10-fold increase in raw materials, the USSR received significant income. The proceeds from the sale of raw materials and fuel were used to purchase consumer goods and equipment for their production.
In connection with this, the main priority of industrial development in the 1970s. becomes a mining, primarily fuel and energy, complex. In Western Siberia back in the 1960s. Huge reserves of oil and gas were discovered. Since 1969, by a special decision of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the accelerated development of oil and gas production began. Over 10 years, the volume of oil produced here has increased 10 times. At the same time, rapid growth occurred in other sectors of raw materials production - coal, timber, mining and processing of non-ferrous metals. The costs of maintaining these priorities were constantly growing, since it required the creation of acceptable social infrastructure in remote Siberian regions, and most importantly, the development transport system. In 1974, the grandiose construction of the Baikal-Amur Mainline began practically from scratch, which lasted 10 years. All these activities could be considered useful and positive if they were not carried out due to the lag of those industries that determined scientific and technological progress - electronics, mechanical engineering, robotics, etc.
Thus, along with old problems, new ones accumulated, but the aging Soviet leaders, led by Brezhnev, preferred not to look for the deep reasons for what was happening, and they perceived reality itself in an increasingly distorted form.
Political "stagnation".
Over time, the USSR begins to develop more and more nomenclature ( scroll officials, the appointment or approval of which falls within the competence of any authority)
.
Initially, this social stratum was quite limited - civil servants were literally added by name (nomenklatura) to a special list, which, according to the plan, only the most worthy could get into. This list was called “nomenclature
.
The nomenklatura became the collective name for the leadership layer. The nomenklatura developed special interests that often did not coincide with the objective interests of the state or with the interests of the rest of society.
The entry into political “stagnation” was determined not only by the very fact of bureaucratization of the system of power and management, but also by the features of this new bureaucracy. If previously party workers, civil servants and economic leaders in overwhelming the majority were from ordinary people who showed business abilities, then in the 1960s, and especially in the 1970-1980s. the replenishment of the elite took place through a special system of selection and training of future leaders: higher party, Komsomol and trade union schools, the Academy social sciences, the Diplomatic Academy, which could only be entered on the recommendation of influential officials. In this way, the suitability of potential personnel was assessed not only for senior management, but also at almost all levels. It directly depended on the personal sympathies and political calculations of the leaders
The bureaucracy of the times of “stagnation” is characterized by the fact that the country’s top leadership began to consist mostly of very elderly people. The average age of Politburo members reached 68 years. Many of them suffered from serious illnesses, including Brezhnev himself, who suffered a stroke in 1976. According to the testimony of the attending physician E. Chazov, L. I. Brezhnev in last years During his reign he turned into a frail old man. There are rules in the country "Gerontocracy" (power of the old).
In November 1982, L. I. Brezhnev died. Yu. V. Andropov was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee.
WITH 1967 he was chairman of the KGB of the USSR.
Andropov’s personality corresponded to the interests of various groups within the Central Committee and the Politburo. He clearly outlined the priorities of the new policy: “ Although everything cannot be reduced to discipline, it is necessary to start with it” (December 1982). In the first half of 1983, a long-unseen campaign to strengthen labor discipline.
In particular, they conducted raids in cinemas, bathhouses, and shops in order to identify those who were there during working hours. Soviet citizens were shocked by the scale of the abuses revealed. For example, during Operation Web, multimillion-dollar thefts in trade, which were widespread, were proven.
Criminal cases were opened against 15 thousand officials, among them more than 2.5 thousand heads of large trade organizations, including the Main Directorate of Trade of Moscow. Investigations such as the “Uzbek case”, which revealed many years of large-scale fraud in cotton, the “Krasnodar case” (about corruption in the Krasnodar region), and the “case of the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs”, which affected Minister N.A. Shchelokov and his deputy, Brezhnev’s son-in-law, had a wide resonance Yu. M. Churbanova. A number of major leaders were sentenced to severe punishments, some committed suicide . Fight with
corruption
was accompanied by a serious personnel update - on average, more than 30% of party functionaries were forced to leave their posts.
For the first time in many years, there were objective assessments of the state of Soviet society, recognition of contradictions and accumulated problems. Andropov’s phrase aroused hope for the renewal of the country, the return of state policy to common sense and responsibility to the people "We don't know the society in
which we live." This could mean a rejection of previous benign exhortations in the spirit of “developed socialism” and a mood for transformation. But Andropov's reign lasted less than a year and a half. In February 1984, Yu. V. Andropov, who suffered from many chronic diseases, died.
The main result of Andropov’s efforts was the impulse to overcome the “stagnation” in the consciousness and thinking of Soviet society.
The new General Secretary of the Central Committee appeared in complete contrast to Andropov.K. U. Chernenko
, Brezhnev's closest friend and ally, critical of reforms.
The appearance of such a person in power indicates that the party bureaucracy, having lost some of its positions under Andropov’s pressure, dreamed of revenge and eliminating the threat to its quiet existence. The Stalinists also pinned their hopes on Chernenko. However, the colorless and short reign of the elderly and sick Chernenko did not allow these hopes to come true. In March 1985, K. U. Chernenko died.
National politics
National relations in the Soviet Union, right up to the “perestroika” times, were considered to be a source of pride for party and state policy.
A convincing argument in favor of national tolerance and the rapprochement of the peoples of the USSR was the increase in the number of ethnically mixed marriages. By 1970, mixed families made up 13.5%, in 1979 it was 14.9%, and in 1989 it was 17.5%. At the same time, this indicated the growth of integration processes within the USSR, conditioned by economic factors and the movement of human resources.
The spread of the Russian language as a language of interethnic communication can also be considered proof of the formation of a new community. For example, according to the 1926 census, the number of citizens of non-Russian nationality who consider Russian their native language was recorded at 6.4 million, in 1959 - 10.2 million, in 1979 - 13 million, in 1989 - 18 .7 million. All this gave the ideologists of developed socialism significant reasons to consider the developed course to resolve the national question to be correct. The course continued to be based on the idea of achieving actual equality
nations ,
nationalities “with full consideration of their interests, paying special attention to those areas of the country that need more rapid development.” In other words, the Russians, as the largest and formerly “oppressive” nation, must take responsibility for the development of all nations of the Soviet Union, paying a particularly high price for this.
Since the late 1960s. in a number of union republics there was a tendency to “squeeze out” the Russians. Some leaders of the republics sought to artificially increase the share of representatives of “their” nationalities in capitals and large cities by attracting people from rural areas. As a result, for example, the share of Azerbaijanis in the population of Baku, the capital of the Azerbaijan SSR, increased from 40% in 1969 to almost 70% in 1985. The same processes, albeit on a much smaller scale, took place in other republics of Transcaucasia, as well as in Central Asia, in Moldova.
A separate problem in the USSR was the so-called “Jewish question”. In June 1967, in connection with the Six-Day War, during which Israel began hostilities with Syria, Jordan and Egypt, the USSR broke off diplomatic relations with Israel.
UN Security Council Resolution No. 247 identified Israel as an aggressor country. A powerful anti-Israel campaign began in Soviet newspapers. However, Israel's victory caused a rise in national consciousness among Soviet Jews.
A year after the severance of relations with Israel, on June 10, 1968, the CPSU Central Committee considered a letter signed by Yu. V. Andropov and A. A. Gromyko, in which the KGB and the Foreign Ministry proposed allowing Soviet Jews to emigrate from the country. Family reunification was considered the only reason for emigration. This did not reduce the number of people wishing to leave the USSR, but, on the contrary, stimulated the emigration process. However, many who wanted to emigrate for secret work were refused.
This stage in the history of the Soviet Union, for various reasons, coincided with the growth of ethnic self-awareness among the majority of the peoples of the USSR.
However, the lack of a proper reaction to this on the part of the central government, as well as the socio-economic and ideological crises, contributed to the fact that this process began to result in primitive nationalism, “jealousy” of peoples towards each other, and a passion for illusions about their own, separate “national paradise”.
Social sphere
In the 70s repeatedly wages increased. Were Pensions for war and labor veterans and disabled people have been increased. Public consumption funds provided free education(including higher education), scholarships were paid to students, it turned out free medical care and preferential Spa treatment, pensions, temporary disability benefits, and maternity benefits were paid. Recreation for workers, office workers and collective farmers was organized, mass participation in physical education and sports was ensured, annual vacations were paid, rent was kept low, and children were provided for. preschool institutions etc.
And yet in the 70s. The standard of living of Soviet citizens began to fall. This was due to growing inflation and a lag in growth due to this wages. Inflation caused an increase in retail prices, and not only for prestigious goods, but also for many consumer goods.
The shortage of goods and services, in turn, gave rise to unsatisfied demand, expressed in the accumulation of household funds in savings banks. The supply of dairy, meat and some other types of products to the population has deteriorated.
The housing problem remained acute. In the 70s 105 million people improved their living conditions. Healthcare and public education are in a difficult situation, and the environmental situation has worsened.
Soviet society was increasingly struck by social apathy, legal nihilism, and economic crimes...
The equalization of wages stimulated the spread of the “little man” psychology (the salary will still be given regardless of how well you worked, let others “plow”, the bosses know better, etc.).
Domestic policy
The process of development of the political system of Soviet society was complex and contradictory.
In October 1977. at the all-Union session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was A new Constitution of the USSR was adopted. Unlike the previous Basic Law, in the new Constitution the problem of the rights, freedoms and responsibilities of the individual, the relationship between the state and the individual was highlighted in a special chapter. This was a step forward towards the recognition and provision of individual rights. In the same time Article 6 – I of the Constitution of the USSR consolidated the leading role of the CPSU in Soviet society. The CPSU is the “core of the political system.”
The USSR Constitution of 1977 was unable to radically influence the improvement of the legal situation in the country or strengthen the authority and power of the law in Soviet society. Meanwhile, the number of crimes in the country increased. By the beginning of the 80s. registrations, thefts, and bribes became essentially mass phenomena, and the “black” market grew rapidly. Capital shadow economy were estimated at 70-80 billion rubles. Crime began to acquire an organized character, and the criminal world was merging with individual representatives of the government apparatus.
By the beginning of the 80s. The CPSU, as the ruling party, found itself in a virtual state of crisis and could not resist the negative trends that were gradually sweeping various areas life of Soviet society.
Education, science, culture.
In 1965-1985. Education, science, culture, and literature received further development. The material base was strengthened educational institutions, the number of graduates grew.
On Scientific research significant financial costs were incurred. Research institutes and centers were opened.
Particularly impressive were the achievements of Soviet science in the field of theoretical and experimental physics, applied mathematics, various areas chemistry, biology and other scientific fields, the results of which were closely related to defense and space technology. So, in November 1970 Soviet automatic station “Luna-17” delivered the world's first self-propelled space robot explorer "Lunokhod-1" to the Moon
Soviet-American cooperation in the field of space exploration developed. Joint flight in 1975 spaceships“Soyuz” and “Apollo” became a convincing confirmation of the scientific and technological capabilities of each country.
During this period, works appeared in art and literature that touched on various aspects of society and aroused increased interest among viewers and readers.
Among the scientific and creative intelligentsia, believers and some national minorities, entire groups of those who disagreed with the ruling regime and openly spoke out in defense of rights and civil liberties. This movement later became known as dissident. The impetus for the polarization of public consciousness was the trial in February 1966 of the writers A. Sinyavsky and Y. Daniel, accused of publishing in the West (under the pseudonyms Abram Tertz and Nikolai Arzhak) literary works of a critical nature. The trial of the writers became a powerful catalyst for the dissident movement and various forms of civic activism. He contributed to the further formation of public opinion in the country.
Dissidents used various forms of protest: drawing up “petitions” addressed to the Soviet leadership, illegally printing and distributing “ samizdat” (i.e. works published in uncensored press), organization public speaking at rallies, appealing to social movements in the West, publishing literary works with an anti-Soviet orientation in the West.
The authorities took measures against the actions of dissidents: some were arrested and tried, others were placed in psychiatric hospitals, others were deported abroad and deprived of civil rights. Many dissidents emigrated.
The dissident movement was not large, numbering only a few hundred people, mainly from the intelligentsia. It did not have strong support in Soviet society. And if this movement has found some recognition abroad, then thanks to the activities of such widely famous personalities, How academician A. Sakharov and writer A. Solzhenitsyn.
Nevertheless, the dissident movement was a reflection of the emerging crisis in the spiritual sphere. The aggravation of social problems, disappointment in “communist creation”, which has become widespread, including at the state level, “double standards”. All this led to apathy and indifference among the citizens of the USSR.
So, by the beginning of the 80s, despite certain progress in the development of certain sectors of the national economy, crisis phenomena increasingly permeated the economy, social sphere, the spiritual life of Soviet society.
Foreign policy of the USSR.
Closer cooperation between social countries was carried out within the framework of the Warsaw Pact organization (WTO) and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA).
In CMEAincluded 11 states: the USSR, Bulgaria, Hungary, Vietnam, East Germany, Cuba, Mongolia, Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia.
The growth rate of production in the CMEA countries was higher than in the European Economic Community (EEC), and the USSR took first place in metal smelting, coal mining, and electricity production. At the same time, the quality of products remained low, the degree of provision of consumer goods to the population of the CMEA countries, and their standard of living were not comparable with Western standards.
In the socio-political life of Eastern European countries after the Hungarian events of 1956, democratization processes became more consistent. At the same time, if these processes went beyond the “socialist path of development”, became unpredictable, and punitive measures followed. Thus, the government of Czechoslovakia, which took a course towards democratizing society, introducing elements of a market economy, and building “socialism with a human face,” went significantly beyond the prescribed framework. This caused sharp discontent on the part of the political leadership of the USSR.
To Czechoslovakia in August 1968 . Troops from the countries participating in the Warsaw Pact were brought in. This action caused condemnation by most states of the world community, including from the international communist movement. It was viewed as an act of naked aggression against sovereign Czechoslovakia.
East-West relations continued to develop in line with “ cold war”. However, from the second half of the 60s. There have been positive developments here.
Since 1970 began a period that went down in history as the period of détente. Both the West and the East were interested in warming the international climate. The United States has been fighting a war in Vietnam since 1964. They needed the mediation of the Soviet Union in order to leave there with the least losses. The USSR, facing a growing threat from China, needed to improve relations with the West. Economically, the interests of Western and Eastern countries also required improvement of mutual relations. In particular, at the end of the 60s. The capitalist countries of the West were gripped by an energy crisis, and the Soviet Union was the largest exporter of energy resources. The sale of oil and gas to Western countries allowed the USSR to develop mutually beneficial trade with them. Finally, to early 70s between the USSR and the USA established parity in the military field, the “Era of Negotiations” has arrived, as recognized by American President R. Nixon”. In both the West and the East, the understanding of the inadmissibility of nuclear war grew, and the anti-war movement expanded throughout the world, which the government could not ignore.
In 1972, the Treaty was signed between the USSR and the USA on the limitation of missile defense systems (ABM) and Agreement on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (SALT-1)); in 1973 - Agreement between the USSR and the USA on the prevention of nuclear war, in 1974 - Agreement on the limitation of underground testing of nuclear weapons, etc. These agreements did not mean the end of the arms race, but they blocked some of its most dangerous directions. The normalization of the situation in the center of Europe was facilitated by the signed agreements between Germany and Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the quadripartite agreement of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and France on West Berlin. In 1972 A peace treaty was signed between the USSR and Germany. In subsequent years, political and economic cooperation between the USSR and Germany developed along an ascending line.
In 1973 An agreement was reached to end the war and restore peace in Vietnam.
The peak of détente was the meeting on cooperation and security in Europe held in August 1975 in the capital of Finland, Helsinki. Its result was the adoption of the “Final Act”. This document was signed by 33 European states, as well as the USA and Canada. The “Final Act” regulated the basic principles of relations between states. It recorded and legitimized the situation that had developed in post-war Europe.
However, even during the years of detente, the confrontation between the two military-political blocs (OVD and NATO) continued, and a new round of the arms race began.
During these years, the policy of the Soviet Union towards the countries of the “third world” was not always well thought out. The military-bloc logic and strategy to increase the number of allies led to indiscriminate choice of political partners and to the establishment of allied relations with dictatorial-type regimes. The United States also pursued the same bloc policy and supported anti-democratic regimes that proclaimed anti-communist and anti-Soviet guidelines. The bloc actions of the USSR and the USA gave rise to countless conflicts and destabilized the international situation.
By the end of the 70s. The economic situation has also changed. Economic growth slowed in the Soviet Union. In trade with the West, our country increasingly acted as a “third world” country, selling raw materials and energy resources in exchange for machinery and equipment, consumer goods and food. However, as Western countries switched to energy- and resource-saving technologies, their interest in trade with the USSR began to decline.
The beginning of a sharp deterioration in the international situation and a return to the Cold War policy was marked by the decision of the Soviet leadership to introduce a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in December 1979 to provide “international assistance” to the Afghan revolution. This erroneous decision was perceived in the West as a refusal of détente. The USA refused to ratify the SALT-2 Treaty, signed between the USSR and the USA in 1979, took economic sanctions against the USSR, boycotted Olympic Games in Moscow (1980) . China, Iran, and Pakistan saw a threat in the actions of the USSR. The Soviet Union found itself in international isolation.
A powerful anti-Soviet campaign began in the West, especially in the USA. Work has begun to create a space missile defense system ( SOI ). The arms race gained a new momentum and threatened to take on unpredictable proportions and consequences.
In the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, along with successes, there were mistakes and miscalculations bordering on adventurism, which led to failures and the loss of many achievements, and a serious aggravation of the international situation by the beginning of the 80s.
Thus, “developed socialism” about which so much was written and talked about in the 70s. turned out to be the beginning of the crisis of socialism in the USSR.
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Political reform
The Gorbachev administration came to the conclusion that economic reforms were hampered by the old political system and the resistance of the nomenklatura. This prompted him to try to rely on the activity of the masses. Thus, without completing economic transformations, the country's leadership moved on to political reform. The task was set to reform " braking mechanism"
The start of the constitutional reform, which became the central link of political transformations, was given by XIX All-Union Party Conference (June 28-July 1, 1988 In accordance with the decisions of this conference, a new supreme body of legislative power is established - Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Elections of deputies began to be held on alternative
basis. However, the main decision of the conference was what was proposed by Gorbachev and included in the resolution “ About democratization"
provisions on combining the positions of chairmen of the Soviets and first secretaries of the relevant party committees from bottom to top. Personally, it allowed him, by combining the positions of General Secretary and Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, to control the entire vertical of party and state power.
In October 1988, M. S. Gorbachev combined the positions of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces. On November 29, 1988, based on his report, the extraordinary XII session of the USSR Supreme Council adopted two laws: “On amendments and additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the USSR” and “On the elections of people’s deputies of the USSR.” According to these laws, the highest authorities of the Soviet Union were radically restructured.
Became the highest body of state power Congress of People's Deputies(SND). The Congress elected the Supreme Council from among its members as a permanent legislative, administrative and control body of state power (it consisted of two chambers equal in number and rights: the Council of the Union and the Council of Nationalities. At the First Congress (May 25 - June 9, 1989) M.S. Gorbachev was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, N. I. Ryzhkov became Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Appeared at the Congress the first opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG) led by B.N. Yeltsin and A.D. Sakharov.
In December 1989, the II Congress took place people's deputies. At the Congress, deputies condemned the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, concluded in 1939, and decided to withdraw Soviet troops from Afghanistan. The decisions of the Second Congress of People's Deputies were completed first the stage of constitutional reform in the USSR, during which there was a gradual transfer of power from the party to the Soviets, from the Central Committee of the CPSU to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The old square gave way to the Kremlin.
The government's economic policy, defined in 1988, produced its first results in 1989 - the economy collapsed. Everything became scarce. An “economic war” began between republics, territories, regions, and cities over inventory.
In the first seven months of 1989, strikes took place in more than 500 labor collectives. Since July 1989, a wave of strikes swept through the most important coal regions of the country - the Kuznetsk, Donetsk and Pechora basins. Then strikes occurred periodically in different cities. At first they were limited to economic demands, but in June 1990, at a congress in Donetsk, the Independent Trade Union of Miners was formed and it was decided to declare a general political strike. In October - November, a general strike of Vorkuta miners took place demanding the actual transfer of power to the Soviets, land to peasants, and factory workers.
Extraordinary III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR made radical changes to the political and economic systems of society. March 12, 1990 with a report “On amendments and additions to the Constitution of the USSR and the establishment of the post of President”
A. I. Lukyanov spoke at the congress. He proposed changing the form of the state system that had developed in the country after 1917, sharply limiting the power of the Soviets, transferring it to the newly established institution of the President. On March 14, 1990, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR adopted the Law “On the establishment of the post of President of the USSR and introducing amendments and additions to the Constitution of the USSR." In the political sphere, the main provisions of the Law were as follows:
· the institution of a strong presidency was established;
· was eliminatedthe norm of Article 6 of the Constitution on the leading role of the CPSU as the core of the political system;
· a multi-party system was introduced.
The congress delegates elected the first President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev. Attempts to hold elections on an alternative basis were blocked. Self-nominated A. Obolensky was recused at the stage of compiling the list of candidates, candidates N. Ryzhkov and V. Bakatin recused themselves.
At the end
Characterized by inconsistency, leading to both successes and serious problems in international relations
The Soviet government set itself the task of achieving a turn away from the Cold War, from tension in the international situation to détente and cooperation. In 1969, the UN General Assembly approved the draft treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons proposed by the Soviet Union. In 1970, the agreement came into force.
Foreign policy objectives were reflected in the Peace Program adopted in 1971 by the 24th Congress of the CPSU.
Believing that confrontation between two political systems is historically inevitable, the CPSU considered its goal to direct this struggle in a direction that did not threaten dangerous military conflicts or confrontation between socialist and capitalist states.
The Soviet Union, in the context of the Peace Program, made over 150 different proposals aimed at ensuring international security, ending the arms race and disarmament. However, many of them could not be implemented and had a propaganda meaning.
The conclusion in 1972 between the USSR and the USA of the Strategic Arms Limitation Agreement (SALT-1) was the beginning of the policy of “détente of international tension.”
In 1973, an open-ended Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War was signed between the USA and the USSR. The culmination of the détente process was the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The leaders of 33 European countries, the USA and Canada signed the Final Act in Helsinki in August 1975.
This document discussed the need to observe in interstate relations the principles of sovereign equality, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, peaceful settlement of disputes, and respect for human rights. The inviolability of the borders of European states was recognized.
Somewhat earlier (1971), the Soviet Union, the United States, Great Britain and France concluded a quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, recognizing it as an independent city. The borders of the GDR, Poland, and Czechoslovakia were recognized as inviolable.
First half of the 70s. showed the possibility of softening the international situation, strengthening relations of peaceful coexistence between states with different political systems, including the development of cooperation between them.
However, the confrontation between the USSR and the USA sharply intensified due to the introduction of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in December 1979. The political leadership dragged the Soviet Union into an extremely difficult situation, which brought great sacrifices on both sides. The majority of UN member countries not only did not support this action, but also demanded the withdrawal of Soviet troops.
The participation of the USSR in the Afghan war led to a decline in its prestige in the international arena. The US Senate refused to ratify the Treaty on Further Limitation of Nuclear Arms (SALT-2) signed with the USSR.
The further course of events led to a complication of the international situation. In response to the deployment of American missiles in Europe, the Soviet leadership decides to deploy medium-range missiles in the GDR and Czechoslovakia. A new stage in the arms race began, as a result of which Europe found itself in the role of a hostage.
In 1983, the United States began to deploy its missiles in Western Europe. The Soviet Union took similar actions, which required additional material costs, which could not but affect the state of the Soviet economy, intensifying the growth of crisis phenomena.
In the mid-80s, the crisis state of Soviet society was increasingly felt.
The miscalculations of the leaders of the state and the party were expressed in:
- - In deformation in the production planning system. The plans of ministries and departments did not take into account the real national economic problems, regional characteristics, and sometimes the imbalance of plans, which led to instability in the national economy.
- - In miscalculations in economic policy. Mechanical engineering, which determines the growth rate of the country's economy and scientific and technological progress (NTP), was not given priority.
- - There was no self-government in production, which restrained the activity of workers.
- - The course in the field of democratization was not implemented public life.
- - A decrease in the efficiency of social labor, a drop in the return fund, a deterioration in quality indicators in industry as a whole.
- - A miscalculation in the field of scientific and technological progress - a weak manifestation in the production of knowledge-intensive industries, poor use of computer technology, low work culture, a significant lag behind the West - all this is expressed in one concept - “stagnation”. Definition: radical transformations in all spheres of public life The Soviet Union, covering the economy, government, domestic and foreign policy, as well as culture and spiritual life.
- 1st stage of transformation (1985-1987). The adoption of measures that were supposed to strengthen order and discipline and activate the “human factor”. The core of economic transformations was the acceleration of the country's socio-economic development based on the achievements of scientific and technological revolution. It was supposed to change investment and structural policies, direct fixed assets to technical re-equipment and modernization of existing enterprises. Strengthening efforts were directed toward the development of the engineering industry. The tasks of democratization, the fight against bureaucracy and lawlessness were set. The upper echelon of management was rejuvenated. By the end of 1986, the economic situation began to deteriorate again; in January 1987, there was a decline in production - the beginning of the economic crisis. The first 3 years of perestroika showed that attempts at reform within the old system were doomed to failure.
This period was characterized by the recognition of some shortcomings of the existing political-economic system of the USSR and attempts to correct them through several large administrative campaigns (the so-called “Acceleration”) - an anti-alcohol campaign, “the fight against unearned income,” the introduction of state acceptance, and a demonstration of the fight against corruption. No radical steps had yet been taken during this period; outwardly, almost everything remained the same.
2nd stage (January 1987 - June 1989). Announcement of a new reform strategy in January 1987. Its main direction is the democratization of all layers of society. Creation of a new model of socialism “with a human face.” The failure of attempts to reform the Soviet economy lies in the fact that they were not accompanied by political reforms, so Gorbachev is moving towards democratization of political structures. Humanity is declared - the problems of economics and politics are openly discussed. Vienna, the summer of 1988, marks a critical moment in the development of the “revolution from above.” The aggravation of social and economic contradictions and the lack of faith among the people in the success of the changes forced the country to choose: either turn back or make the transformation irreversible. During 1990, the Soviet Union changed beyond recognition. The process of sovereignization of the republic has gained momentum. After the elections to the republican and local councils, a new situation arose in the country.
An attempt to reform socialism in the spirit of democratic socialism. Characterized by the beginning of large-scale reforms in all spheres of life of Soviet society. A policy of openness is being proclaimed in public life - easing censorship in the media and lifting bans on what were previously considered taboos. In the economy, private entrepreneurship in the form of cooperatives is being legitimized, and joint ventures with foreign companies are beginning to be actively created. In international politics, the main doctrine is “New Thinking” - a course towards abandoning the class approach in diplomacy and improving relations with the West.
The 3rd (June 1989-1991) and final stage of the “revolution from above” began. The symbol of change is the election of Yeltsin as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Russia - on December 5, USSR President Gorbachev resigned. 1991 turned out to be a turning point in the history of the country. During the 6 years of perestroika, none of its goals were fully achieved. By the summer the situation was characterized as a crisis. The collapse of the USSR occurred. August 25, 1991 - declaration of independence of Ukraine. December 8, 1991 - formation of the CIS.
The final stage, during this period, there is a sharp destabilization of the political situation in the country: after the Congress, the confrontation between the communist regime and the new political forces that emerged as a result of the democratization of society begins. Difficulties in the economy are developing into a full-scale crisis. The chronic shortage of goods reaches its apogee: empty store shelves become a symbol of the turn of the 1980s-1990s. Perestroika euphoria in society is replaced by disappointment, uncertainty about the future and mass anti-communist sentiments.
With the coming to power of M.S. Gorbachev in the mid-80s, early 90s in the USSR, changes began. They affected all aspects of the socio-political and economic development of Soviet society and the lives of Soviet people. They passed very quickly, were controversial, and had serious consequences for our country. The decisions of the Gorbachev administration very often did not advance objective social processes, but simply followed them with zero effect. The remedy chosen was careful reform of the economy, but no single, well-thought-out plan was developed. These changes were collectively called “perestroika.” The main task of “perestroika” was to stop the collapse of the “state socialism” system.
The beginning of perestroika reforms was the reform of the economy. In April 1985, a course towards accelerated socio-economic development of the country was proclaimed. Its levers were: the scientific and technological revolution, a technological breakthrough in mechanical engineering and the activation of the consciousness of the masses. But the bet on enthusiasm failed, because... without technical support and qualifications, this did not lead to acceleration, but to a large number of accidents (for example, Chernoble in 1986). Two campaigns also failed - the fight against non-labor income and the fight against drunkenness. This led to the emergence of a “shadow economy” and moonshine.
In the agricultural sector it was planned to develop farms. This provided for the lease of agricultural land and equipment to citizens for farming. But in reality, the collective farms were not interested in transferring good arable land and equipment to private owners. By the end of 1991 farms accounted for only 3% of the total arable wedge.
In June 1990 The Supreme Council adopted the concept of transition of the national economy to a market economy. This provided for the denationalization of the state. Property, creation of joint stock companies, development of private entrepreneurship, etc. However, the mechanism and terms were formulated very approximately, which in general distinguished the policy of the Gorbachev administration and this led to the fact that the crisis of the national economy intensified even more. In addition, most of the laws passed simply did not work. As a result of the ill-thought-out reforms, the standard of living of the population continued to fall, inflation sharply increased, and a general decline in production in industry and agriculture began. Inflation growth rates have sharply increased. In addition, the undertaken reform of the political system led to the emergence of various socio-political movements within the CPSU itself - social-semocratic; centrist and orthodox-traditional. This led to a massive outflow of its members from the ranks of the CPSU. And in 1989-90. The Communist Parties of the Baltic countries (Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia) announced their secession from the USSR. The process of regional fragmentation of the country and the formation of a new local government in the form of republican congresses began, which began to pursue their national policy, which often ran counter to the policy of the center. In the spring and summer of 1990. Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, the RSFSR and other union republics of the USSR adopted a declaration on the State. Sovereignty, which was the beginning of the collapse of the USSR. Gorbachev tried to preserve the integrity of the USSR and for this purpose in March 1991. holds the first all-Union referendum on the issue of preserving the USSR. Despite the will of the people (76.4% of the population were in favor of preserving the USSR), representatives of only 9 republics agreed to negotiate with Gorbachev on this issue. The discussion was scheduled for 08/22/91. But on the night of 18/19/08/91. The government seized power in the country. State of Emergency Committee (GKChP). RSFSR President Yeltsin managed to suppress the putsch because Gorbachev was blocked in Crimea by supporters of the State Emergency Committee. Immediately after the putsch, Yeltsin, by his decree, suspended the activities of the CPSU; in fact, with his power, he liquidated the CPSU as a political structure. After this, the collapse of the USSR became irreversible. At the end of August, Gorbachev was forced to sign an act recognizing the Baltic countries' secession from the USSR.
The last attempt by the center, led by Gorbachev, to prevent the collapse of the USSR was made in September 1991. when the idea was put forward of forming a number of sovereign states instead of the USSR, which would represent a confederation with a single institution of presidential power. But this attempt failed. 08.12.91 The leaders of Russia (Yeltsin), Belarus (Shushkevich) and Ukraine (Kravchuk) announced the dissolution of the USSR. And the creation of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), which was subsequently joined by Moldova, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Tajikistan. This was the end of the USSR as a single state. 12/25/91 Gorbachev resigned as President of the USSR.
Considering Gorbachev's policies, we see his sluggish reaction to ethnic conflicts, constant maneuvering in resolving pressing issues that were of utmost importance for the USSR. Gorbachev, with his entire political existence and deliberate inaction, ensured the gradual disintegration of a great power. In one of the Western publications, his policy was formulated as follows: “Being absorbed in the political struggle, Gorbachev made a fatal mistake, believing that economic problems would be solved by themselves. The result was a catastrophic economic decline and the collapse of one of the most powerful powers." Gorbachev actually surrendered the USSR to the mercy of the United States in October 1986. in Reykjavik, at a meeting with US President Ronald Reagan. Gorbachev himself did not seem to feel any remorse for the fact that in the short 6 years of his rule he had erased the great power of the world, the heir of thousand-year-old Russia, from the political map of the planet.
During the years of “perestroika”, surprisingly little was done to actually reform the economic mechanism. The laws adopted by the Union leadership expanded the rights of enterprises, allowed small private and cooperative entrepreneurship, but did not affect the fundamental foundations of the command-distribution economy. Paralysis of the central government and, as a consequence, the weakening of state control over the national economy, the progressive disintegration of production ties between enterprises of different union republics, the increased autocracy of directors, the short-sighted policy of artificial, due to additional money issues, growth in incomes of the population, as well as other populist measures in the economy - all this led to an increase during 1990-1991. economic crisis in the country. The destruction of the old economic system was not accompanied by the emergence of a new one in its place. This problem had to be solved already new Russia. The process of forming a free democratic society, successfully begun by “perestroika,” had to be continued. The country already had real freedom of speech, which grew out of the “glasnost” policy, a multi-party system was taking shape, elections were held on an alternative basis (from several candidates), and a formally independent press appeared. But the predominant position of one party remained - the CPSU, which actually merged with the state apparatus. The Soviet form of organization of state power did not provide a generally recognized separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial branches. It was necessary to reform the country's state-political system, which turned out to be quite within the capabilities of the new Russian leadership. By the end of 1991, the USSR economy found itself in a catastrophic situation. The decline in production accelerated. National income decreased by 20% compared to 1990. The state budget deficit, i.e. the excess of government expenditures over revenues, amounted, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The increase in the money supply in the country threatened the loss of state control over financial system and hyperinflation, i.e. inflation of over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy. The accelerated growth of wages and benefits, which began in 1989, increased pent-up demand; by the end of the year, most goods disappeared from state trade, but were sold at exorbitant prices in commercial stores and on the “black market.” Between 1985 and 1991, retail prices almost tripled, state control prices could not stop inflation. Unexpected interruptions in the supply of various consumer goods to the population caused “crises” (tobacco, sugar, vodka) and huge queues. A standardized distribution of many products (based on coupons) was introduced. People were afraid of possible famine. Serious doubts arose among Western creditors about the solvency of the USSR. The total external debt of the Soviet Union by the end of 1991 was more than $100 billion; taking into account mutual debts, the net debt of the USSR in convertible currency in real terms was estimated at about $60 billion. Until 1989, 25-30% of the amount of Soviet exports in convertible currency was spent on servicing external debt (repaying interest, etc.), but then, due to a sharp drop in oil exports, the Soviet Union had to sell gold reserves to purchase the missing currency. By the end of 1991, the USSR could no longer fulfill its international obligations to service its external debt. Economic reform became inevitable and vital.
Relief of international tension. Late 60's - early 70's. became a time of relaxation of international tension, secured by a number of important treaties:
on space (1967), which prohibited the use of outer space and celestial bodies for military purposes;
on the redistribution of nuclear weapons (1968);
about the seabed, which prohibited the permission of weapons of mass destruction on the bottom of the seas and oceans; as well as the biological weapons conventions (1971);
on the quadripartite agreement on West Berlin (1971);
the SALT I treaty with the United States (1972), which limited missile defense systems, and the SALT II treaty (1979), which limited intermediate-range missiles.
In addition, the decision of the Vietnam Peace Conference (1978) eliminated the source of tension in Southeast Asia. The culmination of the “détente” process was the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (1975) in Helsinki, which was attended by 33 European countries, the USA and Canada. The final document of the Meeting (Declaration of Principles of Relations and Cooperation between Countries) was intended to play an important role in establishing relations between the countries of the world, expanding their economic, political, cultural and humanitarian contacts. The states pledged to observe the principles of sovereign equality in interstate relations, not to interfere in each other’s internal affairs, to respect human rights, and to resolve disputes peacefully. The inviolability of the borders of European states that emerged after the Second World War was recognized.
USSR and Western countries. In the context of increasing nuclear potential in the world, the Soviet leadership made efforts to ease international tension. In 1969, the UN General Assembly approved the draft treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons proposed by the Union. The document prohibited the transfer of nuclear weapons to powers that did not own them or a military bloc. In March 1970, the agreement came into force.
There were shifts in the relations of the USSR with developed capitalist countries. In 1966, during the visit of French President Charles de Gaulle, a Soviet-French declaration was signed. Agreements were concluded on cooperation in the economic sphere, in the field of study and exploration of outer space for peaceful purposes. Relations between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) were normalized. Trade relations with Italy and other Western countries developed.
Contacts were carried out with the United States in many areas. Thus, an important role in the development of international relations was played by the treaty between the USSR and the USA, known as the SALT I Treaty.
But the process of “detente” turned out to be short-lived. Fundamental differences in the approach to solving the problem on the part of the countries of the East and the West (in matters of stages of disarmament, control over it, etc.) did not allow both sides to continue the process of “détente”. Soon, a new phase of the disarmament race began in the leading countries of the world.
USSR and socialist countries. The country's leadership paid primary attention to relations with socialist countries. The volume of trade turnover between the USSR and socialist countries increased. The USSR exported fuel, electricity, ores, and metals. The USSR imported machinery, equipment, and vehicles.
In 1971, the Comprehensive Program for Socialist Economic Integration was adopted. It included the international division of labor, the rapprochement of the economies of the CMEA states, and the expansion of trade turnover between socialist countries. In accordance with the plan for the international division of labor, bus manufacturing and the production of automobile parts developed in Hungary, and shipbuilding and textile engineering developed in the GDR.
The scope of work on joint development expanded natural resources and the construction of industrial enterprises on the territory of the CMEA member countries. In order to concentrate funds for joint construction, the International Investment Bank (IIB) was organized. With the technical assistance of the USSR, nuclear power plants were revived in Bulgaria and the GDR, the Danube Metallurgical Plant was reconstructed in Hungary, and a rubber plant was built in Romania.
The dictatorship on the part of the USSR and the imposition of the Soviet development model on its allies in the Warsaw Warsaw War caused discontent in the countries of Eastern Europe. Relations within the world system of socialism were complicated by the armed intervention of the participating countries of the Warsaw Pact (Warsaw Pact Organization) on the initiative of the Soviet leadership in Czechoslovakia (1968) in order to stop the process of democratic transformation.
Relations between the USSR and the People's Republic of China began to become complicated. In the spring of 1969, an armed clash occurred between Soviet and Chinese military units in the area of the border river Ussuri. The conflict flared up over Damansky Island, the territorial affiliation of which was not clearly defined. The incident almost escalated into the Sino-Soviet war. After the conflict on Damansky Island, measures were taken to strengthen the border with China. New military districts were created here, and the number of Soviet troops in Mongolia was increased.
USSR and developing countries. In the 70s The colonial system collapsed, and dozens of new developing countries emerged from its ruins. These countries were the object of struggle between the USSR and the USA.
The authority of socialism was high in those countries that received assistance from the USSR: Somalia, Ethiopia, Angola, Mozambique, etc. The Soviet Union supported the Cuban military presence in Angola and provided assistance to the Popular Liberation Front of Mozambique. Some countries were drawn into a long civil war, and our country had to supply weapons and help with military specialists.
The struggle of the Arab countries with Israel was supported by the USSR, and the USA traditionally supported Israel. As before, relations between these countries remain tense. The most pressing problem in these relations was the Palestinian one. The Soviet Union has always supported the Palestinians' right to national statehood.
International crisis of the late 70s. By the end of the 70s. The USSR maintained diplomatic relations with more than 130 states. Almost half of them were developing countries. The USSR provided them with significant economic, scientific and technical assistance, provided preferential loans, and participated in the training of qualified personnel for the national economy. With financial and technical support from the USSR, industrial and agricultural facilities were built in the countries of Southeast Asia and Africa.
On the development of relations between the USSR and the countries of the world at the turn of the 70-80s. Soviet policy in Afghanistan had a negative impact. In 1978, the People's Democratic Party (PDPA) came to power in Afghanistan as a result of a military coup. The leadership of the PDPA turned to the Soviet leadership with a request to provide military assistance to the revolutionary movement. In December 1979, Soviet troops were sent to Afghanistan. The world community sharply negatively assessed the actions of the USSR in Afghanistan. Relations between the USSR and Western countries deteriorated sharply. The US Senate refused to ratify the treaty signed with the USSR on further limitation of the nuclear arms race (SALT-2).
Thus, the foreign policy of the USSR in 1964-1985. developed along the path from the harsh confrontation with the Western world in the second half of the 60s. to the easing of international tension in the 70s. and again to the aggravation of relations in the world since the late 70s and early 80s.
The worsening international situation and the decline in the authority of the USSR on the world stage were closely related to the growing general crisis in the administrative-command system.
Society on the eve of perestroika. The inefficiency of the economy, the deformation of social and political life, and the social apathy of the population aroused concern among the country's leadership.
One of the first who tried to bring the country out of the state of stagnation, which threatened the entire country with a crisis, was Yu.V. Andropov. In November 1982, after the death of L.I. Brezhnev, he was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Before this, Yu.V. Andropov headed the State Security Committee under the USSR Council of Ministers for a decade and a half.
The actions of the new leader related to personnel changes in party and government structures caused a wide resonance in society. The heads of a number of ministries were suspended from work if they did not meet the needs of the national economy or were convicted of bribery. New party workers were brought into the apparatus of the new leader, including M.S. Gorbachev, head of the agricultural sector of the Central Committee of the Party.
Ways to overcome economic difficulties Yu.V. Andropov saw improvement in economic management. It was intended to expand the independence of industrial and agricultural enterprises. Much attention was paid to the fight against corruption and mismanagement. It was about eliminating negative phenomena from the life of society, about its democratization. The overwhelming majority of Soviet people supported this course aimed at establishing order in the country. However, measures to restore order in the country did not lead to tangible results.
After the death of Yu.V. Andropov (April 1984), the post of General Secretary of the Party Central Committee was taken by K.U. Chernenko. The new Secretary General did not seek to carry out any reforms in the country.
Main stages of perestroika
On March 12, 1985, M.S. became the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gorbachev. In his prime, energetic, charming, with a lively mind, M.S. Gorbachev was immediately greeted in society with great enthusiasm. Soon changes were made in the country's top leadership: N.I. became Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Ryzhkov, E.K. was introduced into the Politburo. Ligachev, V.M. Chebrikov; B.N. became the secretaries of the Central Committee. Yeltsin and A.N. Yakovlev. Minister of Foreign Affairs A.A. Gromyko was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, and E.A. became the new Minister of Foreign Affairs. Shevardnadze.
Soon M.S. Gorbachev and his associates came up with the initiative to “renew socialism.” The essence of the “renewal of socialism” by M.S. Gorbachev saw the combination of socialism and democracy.
April (1985) Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. The new course began at the April (1985) Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. At the Plenum, the task of achieving a qualitatively new state of Soviet society was put forward. Its components were named: scientific and technical renewal of production and achievement of a world level of labor productivity, material and spiritual life of people, activation of the entire system of political and social institutions. The main means to achieve this goal was to be a significant acceleration of the socio-economic development of society, and most importantly - the acceleration of scientific and technological progress, the technical reconstruction of the national economy on the basis of the latest achievements of science and technology.
In February-March 1986, the XXVII Congress of the CPSU took place. In the report of M.S. Gorbachev confirmed that the CPSU has set a course for “perestroika,” “radical reform” of the economy and the “mechanism” of its functioning. The essence of the reform was to weaken the role of centralized economic management, providing more opportunities for the initiative of individual enterprises. But M.S. Gorbachev believed that no economic reform would take place unless the entire society was involved in it. Therefore, the next step should have been the broad “democratization” of the country, which was interpreted as the state’s observance of political and civil human rights. As for the CPSU, despite its “leading role,” it must guarantee society “transparency” in its decision-making.
At that time, the initiators of perestroika did not set the task of breaking the administrative-command system; they wanted to “update,” “improve,” “improve” what was believed to be the “developed socialism” built in the USSR.
Reform of the political system. In 1985, the fight against violations of industrial discipline and corruption began. A number of senior government officials were punished for bribery and theft.
The policy of glasnost began to be pursued as a means of combating the shortcomings of socialism. Censorship was lifted, and since 1986 its role was limited to the non-disclosure of “state secrets”. Previously forbidden materials and memories were published on the pages of newspapers and magazines; Discussions and round tables were held on television. Society began to reflect on its history, pressing problems, and look for further ways of development. The rehabilitation of the first wave of Russian emigration began (N. Gumilyov, G. Ivanov, V. Khodasevich, V. Nabokov), the publication of previously banned publications increased ("Requiem" by A.A. Akhmatova, "Doctor Zhivago" by B. Pasternak, " Sofya Petrovna" by L. Chukovskaya, etc.), the ban was lifted on the work of representatives of the "third wave" of emigration who left the country in the 70s (I. Brodsky, A. Galich, V. Nekrasov, A. Solzhenitsyn, etc. ). The reorganization of various creative unions, press organs, television, and theaters began. In May 1986, E.G. was elected chairman of the Union of Cinematographers. Klimov. Soon, at the Founding Congress of Theater Workers, reform supporter M.F. Shatrov was elected his secretary. The chief editors of the magazines were: "New World" - S.P. Zalygin, G.Ya. Baklanov - “Banner”, V.A. Korotich - "Ogonyok". Since the fall of 1986, magazines began to publish increasingly bold articles.
At the October 1987 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, at the insistence of M.S. Gorbachev, a decision was made to “fill in the blank spots” in the history of the USSR. A Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression was created under the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, headed by A.N. Yakovlev. The commission began work on additional study of documents of those repressed in the 30s - early 50s. citizens. Many people convicted in the trials of the 1930s were rehabilitated, including N.I. Bukharin, A.I. Rykov, a group of professors - economists, etc. To promote the moral and political rehabilitation of those who suffered during the years of Stalinist repression, the Memorial Society arose. Moreover, rehabilitation, as in Khrushchev’s times, was carried out indiscriminately, without a careful study of the true circumstances of the case. All political prisoners were released.
Society was increasingly overwhelmed by the effect of overthrow. Glasnost led to discussions about such a phenomenon of Russian history as Stalinism, its origins, the role of the personality of I.V. Stalin, the history of the emergence of the socialist system, the legitimacy of party power. Moreover, when assessing the Stalinist period of Russian history, they used, first of all, the moral factor.
Glasnost, from an instrument of criticism and “improvement” of the socialist system, began to turn into an instrument of its destruction.
From the very beginning of perestroika, there were both supporters and opponents of the new course in the country. Glasnost led to a sharp polarization of society. In 1987, a conflict arose between supporters and opponents of the reform course in the highest echelons of power.
In September 1987, Secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee B.N. Yeltsin, who enjoyed enormous popularity, submitted a letter of resignation from the Politburo, where he was a member as a candidate, citing the fact that he was encountering a lot of misunderstanding and opposition in his reform activities. In October 1987, at the October Plenum of the Central Committee B.N. Yeltsin again raised the question of his exit from the Politburo, this time due to the formation of a “cult of personality” around M.S. Gorbachev. In fact, B.N. Yeltsin was already developing his own political platform. When discussing the release of B.N. Yeltsin from the Politburo, a significant part of the Plenum participants literally attacked him with accusations of betrayal. B.N. Yeltsin was removed from the post of secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU and transferred to secondary posts, but it was at this time that the aura of a martyr began to appear around him, which later helped him so much in his future political career.
At the same time, serious disagreements emerged between M.S. Gorbachev and one of his closest associates E.K. Ligachev. E.K. Ligachev began to express disagreement with the nature and scope of the reforms being carried out. There were also differences between them regarding the so-called “blank spots” in Soviet history. March 13, 1988 newspaper " Soviet Russia" placed an article by Leningrad chemistry teacher Nina Andreeva under the heading "I cannot give up principles." The article is believed to have been published on the direct orders of E.K. Ligachev. The essence of the publication was that N. Andreeva openly defended I.V. Stalin , and called the authors of anti-Stalin works (playwright M. Shatrov, writer A. Rybakov, etc.) “falsifiers of history” who borrowed their anti-socialist concept of “glasnost” from the West in order to subject the history of the party and Soviet society to a complete revision.Letter from N. Andreeva was published by a number of central newspapers. Only on April 5, the Pravda newspaper published an editorial that contained criticism of the provisions put forward by N. Andreeva. The heated controversy between supporters and opponents of N. Andreeva indicated that the split in society had become quite deep.
Nineteenth All-Union Party Conference (June 28-July 1, 1988). The question of the need for deep reform of the political system for the first time in years Soviet power was staged at the XIX All-Union Party Conference. At the conference, the struggle between supporters and opponents of perestroika again unfolded. But the majority of the delegates supported M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters. The conference spoke in favor of the need for economic reform. Its main result was a resolution on a comprehensive reform of government power.
According to the decisions of the XIX All-Union Party Conference, a supreme body of power was established - the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, which was to be elected secretly and according to a very complex system. Some of the deputies were elected from territorial constituencies, some from national-territorial ones, and another part from recognized public organizations and from the Academy of Sciences. In turn, the Congress of People's Deputies elected the President of the USSR and the new Supreme Council, which was supposed to deal with current legislative work. On October 1-2, 1988, an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council took place, which made the necessary changes to the Constitution and adopted new law about elections. From now on, elections to the Soviets were to be secret and held on an alternative basis. In the spring of 1989, elections to the First Congress of People's Deputies were held on new electoral principles; the majority was won by active supporters of perestroika.
On May 25, 1989, the opening of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR took place. Already on the first day of its work, a decision was made to broadcast live from the Congress. At the Congress, the Supreme Council was formed, the chairman of which was elected M.S. Gorbachev. At the Congress, a group of radical deputies formed the political opposition to the CPSU called the “Interregional Deputy Group”. Among the co-chairs of this group were A.D. Sakharov, Yu.N. Afanasyev, G.Kh. Popov and others. This group began to fight for the abolition of Article 6 of the 1977 Constitution (this article was first contained in the 1936 Constitution) on the leading role of the CPSU. M.S. Gorbachev managed to maintain the leading role of the CPSU for a while. At the Second Congress of People's Deputies, it was decided not to discuss this issue. At the III Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies (March 12-15, 1990), amendments to the Constitution were adopted to abolish Article 6. At the III Congress, M.S. was elected the first president of the USSR. Gorbachev.
In July 1990, the last XXVIII Congress of the CPSU took place. By this time, the party had actually split into supporters of radical reforms, who advocated turning the CPSU into a parliamentary-type party, and the so-called “conservatives,” who accused M.S. Gorbachev in his rejection of communist ideology. M.S. Gorbachev tried to stay in the center, but essentially there was no center anymore. At the congress B.N. Yeltsin proposed renaming the CPSU into the party of democratic centralism and allowing freedom of factions in it. His proposal did not meet with support, then he announced his resignation from the CPSU. Example B.N. Yeltsin was followed by his supporters. At the congress of M.S. Gorbachev was again elected General Secretary, but this no longer played any role. His authority was rapidly declining. Store shelves remained empty, Western humanitarian aid began to arrive in the country, and rallies under the slogan “Down with the CPSU!” began to take place throughout the country.
Creation of political parties and movements. The repeal of Article 6 of the Constitution was an incentive for the emergence of new political parties and movements. Over the course of several months, many different parties emerged in the country. Soviet society began to become multi-party.
Parties of democratic orientation arose: Peasant, Agrarian, People's Party of Russia, Democratic Party of Russia, etc. They advocated a democratic state, for carrying out economic and political reforms.
As a result of the split in the ranks of the CPSU, several communist-oriented parties arose: the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CPRF), the Russian Party of Communists (RPC), and the Russian Communist Workers' Party. They saw their task in returning to communist ideology, as well as strengthening the role of the state in the economy.
Social-democratic parties also emerged.
Parties of national-patriotic orientation (Republican People's Party of Russia, etc.) advocated a strong state and the revival of national identity.
The parties simply adopted the form of Western parties and did not have a social base in society; they often expressed the ambitions of some self-affirming figures. None of them expressed the interests of any layer or movement. The existence of many parties turned out to be short. They fell apart one after another, and new ones immediately appeared.
Economic reform. The pace of economic development of the country slowed down already in the 70s. At first, the new Secretary General hoped to improve the economic situation using administrative levers - increasing discipline and responsibility and strengthening centralized economic management.
Therefore, in the economic sphere, the fight against “unearned income” and bribery, which began under Yu.V., continued. Andropov.
In May 1985, a broad anti-alcohol campaign was launched in the country. Alcohol prohibition was introduced in some areas. In Crimea and Armenia, which specialize in wine production, some leaders have ordered the cutting down of entire vineyard plantations that have been created over decades. The campaign was ill-conceived and did not take into account the domestic and world experience of such events, and its consequences were negative. Clandestine alcohol production immediately grew. As a result, it was not possible to eradicate drunkenness in society, but significant damage was caused to the state budget, since the sale of alcohol was one of the most important sources of income for the state budget.
The unfavorable state of the Soviet economy was evidenced by the explosion of a nuclear reactor at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant on April 26, 1986. There was no such accident in world practice, and the authorities showed complete helplessness in those tragic days. The population in the affected area was not notified in a timely manner about what had happened, the Civil Defense services acted ineffectively, and at this time the release of radioactive substances from the burning reactor after the explosion continued, which increased the number of human casualties.
The economic situation continued to deteriorate. Since 1988, agricultural production has decreased noticeably; industrial production increased in 1989. reached zero and decreased by 10% in the first half of 1991. Budget deficit in 1988-1989. reached 100 billion rubles. Inflationary processes grew rapidly. To mitigate the impact of inflation on the purchasing power of the population, the state and individual enterprises sharply increased personal income in 1988. But there was no growth in production, personal incomes of the population grew, and the demand for goods and services increased. As a result, goods on the shelves disappeared instantly, and queues grew in stores. To meet demand, the government increased imports on a credit basis. As a result, the state's debts grew.
For a long time, there was stagnation in Soviet economic science, and scientists could not offer M.S. Gorbachev for fresh and effective economic ideas. It was decided to begin reforming the economy by expanding the scope of activity of the private sector and the independence of state-owned enterprises.
On November 19, 1986, the law on self-employment was adopted, allowing private activity in more than 30 types of production of goods and services. In the same year, some departments and enterprises received the right to create joint ventures with foreign firms. Already in the spring of 1991, 7 million citizens (5% of the active population) were employed in the cooperative sector. But the development of private initiative faced a variety of difficulties: resistance from officials, a shortage of material resources, and a hostile attitude (due to high prices) from the population. The government encountered difficulties when trying to expand the scope of private initiative in agriculture. In 1988, rural residents received the right to lease land for 50 years and have full control over the products produced. In March 1988, a new regulation on collective farms was adopted, according to which the area of an individual plot and the number of livestock on a personal subsidiary plot could henceforth be established by the collective of each collective farm.
But these measures did not lead to a revival of the entrepreneurial spirit among the peasants: by the summer of 1991, tenant farms accounted for only 2% of cultivated land and 3% of livestock. The lack of equipment among the peasants and the desire of local authorities to suppress peasant initiative also had an impact.
On January 1, 1989, the “Law on State Enterprise” came into force, according to which enterprises switched to new principles: self-financing and self-financing. From now on, enterprises could plan their own activities, received the right to act directly with other enterprises, and entered into contracts with suppliers and consumers.
But these measures to reform the economy did not bring success. Old connections between manufacturing enterprises collapsed, but new relationships did not develop to replace them. The government was unable to put into action new levers for competent economic management. In 1989, powerful strikes of miners in Kuzbass and Western Siberia began.
In 1989, a group of prominent economists - S.S. Shatalin, N.Ya. Petrakov was entrusted with the leadership of the Reform Commission. Various reform projects were developed: one - under the leadership of the director of the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences L.I. Abalkin, the other by a group of specialists from the State Planning Committee under the leadership of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR N.I. Ryzhkova. Both of these projects were summarized and approved by the Congress of People's Deputies in December 1989. The little-known economist G.A. Yavlinsky, with the help of Western specialists, developed his project “500 days program”, which was an attempt to solve economic problems through a lightning-fast action: decentralization of the economy, transfer of enterprises to lease and privatization. These measures, according to G.A. Yavlinsky, were supposed to reform the Soviet economy within 500 days. The debate over these projects has turned into a political struggle. G.A. program Yavlinsky's "500 days" was adopted by the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation and opposed to the project of the central government. S.S. Shatalin and N.Ya. Petrakov supported the “500 days” program, N.I. Ryzhkov with L.I. Abalkin supported the old project. To the Rector of the Academy of National Economy under the Government of the Russian Federation, Academician A.G. Aganbegyan was tasked with finding an acceptable solution, but he failed. Economic reform was blocked.
One of the foreign advisers, with the help of whom economic reform projects were developed, said that it was possible to quickly raise the people's well-being only with the advent of capitalism. This was no longer perestroika; we were talking about changing the social system. But M.S. Gorbachev was determined to preserve socialism; he abandoned the “500 days” program.
The economic situation was deteriorating. Unsuccessful attempts to reform the economy had large social costs. Production decreased sharply, incomes of the population decreased, housing, food, environmental and other problems worsened. The variety of forms of ownership led to the emergence of new social categories of the population. Social groups have emerged that own the means of production, and a layer of citizens has formed that owns significant financial capital. The concept of “new Russians” appeared.
As a result, “perestroika” worsened the situation of the main sections of the population.
Soviet foreign policy solved the main problem of this period - reducing the confrontation between East and West.
Relations between the USSR and capitalist countries became more balanced.
In order to ease international tension, a number of agreements were signed: the quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, the Soviet-American treaty on the limitation of missile defense systems, etc.
In the summer of 1966, French President Charles de Gaulle visited Moscow, and in 1970, German Chancellor W. Brandt (arriving in Moscow, he concluded an agreement with the USSR on the non-use of force in relations). The negotiations confirmed the post-war borders. On December 21, 1972, the Federal Republic of Germany declared recognition of the GDR. Both German states were admitted to the UN.
In 1972, meetings took place with American presidents R. Nixon and D. Ford, who replaced him. A course has been outlined towards détente in relations between the two powers.
On May 26, 1972, the SALT-1 Treaty was signed in Moscow. The parties agreed to limit the number of intercontinental and submarine-launched missiles. In 1978, the SALT II treaty was concluded on the limitation of underground nuclear tests and missile defense. The volume of Soviet-American trade increased 8 times.
There have been positive changes in relations with Great Britain, Germany, Italy, France and other capitalist powers.
On July 30, 1975, the Pan-European Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) was held in Helsinki. 33 states took part in it, the final document enshrined ten principles in the relations of the CSCE participating countries: the sovereign equality of states, their territorial integrity, the inviolability of borders, the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference in internal affairs, respect for human rights, equality of peoples, mutually beneficial cooperation, fulfillment of obligations under international law.
The development of cooperation with people's democracies continued. The USSR was faced with the task of strengthening the socialist camp, uniting it in political, military and economic relations.
In 1971, a program of economic integration of the CMEA member countries was adopted, which had positive influence for the development of the economy of socialist countries. However, the isolation of the CMEA from the world economy had a detrimental effect on the pace of economic development, which, in turn, became the cause of crisis situations in relations between socialist countries.
In 1968, in Czechoslovakia, the leadership of the Communist Party, led by A. Dubcek, attempted to carry out democratic changes in society and build socialism with a “human face.” In response to this, joint troops of five countries participating in the Warsaw Warsaw War were brought into the territory of Czechoslovakia. A change of government was made, at the head of which G. Husak was placed in Moscow.
In May 1970, Czechoslovakia signed an alliance treaty with the USSR. Czechoslovakia, Poland and the GDR became the stronghold of socialism in Europe. These events caused enormous damage to the international prestige of the USSR and had serious foreign policy consequences.
In 1969, the territorial conflict between the USSR and China ended in armed clashes on the Damansky Peninsula.
The conflict in Poland was provoked by a sharp rise in prices, which caused a wave of protest. The struggle for independence was organized by the Solidarity trade union, led by the popular leader L. Walesa. On December 13, 1981, martial law was introduced in Poland.
Since 1973, negotiations have been held between the Warsaw Pact countries and NATO on the reduction of armed forces in Europe. However, the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in December 1979 thwarted all efforts, and negotiations reached a dead end.
The foreign policy of the USSR was based on solving the problems of this period - reducing the confrontation between East and West.
Relations between the USSR and capitalist countries acquired the most balanced character.
The main goal of the USSR's foreign policy was to ease international tension and for this it was simply necessary to sign a number of agreements: the agreement on Western Berlin, signed by 4 parties to this agreement, the American-Soviet agreements related to the limitation of missile defense systems (anti-ballistic missile defense).
In the fall of 1964, the USSR faced such main tasks as: violation of the unity of all socialist states, because of the Caribbean crisis, relations between countries were distrustful, ineffective relations with 3rd world countries. Brezhnev's leadership outlined significant external tasks for themselves. country policy necessary for urgent resolution. The tasks were the following: eliminating threats of social collapse. The camps and their unification closer in the political, economic and military sense, the normalization of East-West relations, the continuation of the policy of supporting innovative movements and regimes around the world. This policy was mainly aimed at countries under the sphere of influence of the USSR.
In 1966 (summer), the President of the French State, Charles de Gaulle, visited Moscow, and in 1970, the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Brandt W., visited the capital of the USSR to sign an agreement on the non-use of force in mutual relations between countries. During the negotiations, the borders were confirmed after the 2nd World War. Towards the end of December 1972. The Federal Republic of Germany has declared to all countries that it recognizes the German Democratic Republic. Both German republics were admitted to the United Nations.
In 1972, at a meeting with the previous US presidents, Nixon R. and Ford M., who took his post, a course began to be outlined for defusing tense relations between the two superpowers.
In May 1972, the SALT-1 treaty was signed in Moscow. All parties to this treaty agreed to terms that required limiting the number of intercontinental ballistic missiles and anti-submarine missiles. In 1978, another SALT II treaty was concluded to reduce underground nuclear testing and missile defense: The volume of US-Soviet trade increased eightfold.
In July 1975, the CSCE - Pan-European Conference on Security and Cooperation - was held in the capital of Finland. Thirty-three states took part in this meeting. As a result, the participating countries signed the CSCE Treaty, which contained the following: equality and sovereignty of states, integrity of territories, strength of borders, settlement of disputes peacefully, internal affairs of a state remained the principles for resolving this state, but others should not interfere in any way in resolving these issues countries, respects human rights, all peoples have equal rights, beneficial cooperation on mutual terms, international law must be carried out without fail.
Cooperation with people's democratic countries continues to develop. The USSR faced the question of strengthening the country - it was necessary to unite and strengthen each other in relations, both economic, political and military.
In 1971, the program for the economic integration of the CMEA member countries had a fruitful influence on the transformation of the economic situation of the countries of the socialist camp. Also in 1971, CMEA adopted a program for comprehensive deepening of cooperation, designed for 20 years. In fact, this program was “enough” for 10 years, after which the countries of Eastern Europe began to be provided by the USSR with cheap types of energy resources such as an oil pipeline, a gas pipeline and space programs, the construction of industrial enterprises and factories in the countries of Eastern Europe.
But the isolation of the CMEA from the world economy had an unfavorable effect on the pace of economic development, which began to become the cause of crisis situations in relations between socialist countries.
In 1969, a conflict of territories occurred between the USSR and China, and on Damansky Island this escalated into an armed clash between the two countries.
A wave of protests that escalated into a conflict situation occurred in Poland. It was associated with a sharp rise in prices. In December 1981, martial law was introduced in Poland.
In 1973, negotiations began again between the countries that signed the Warsaw Pact and the NATO bloc on reducing armed forces in European countries.
In 1979, all efforts to reduce forces were crossed out after the introduction of USSR troops into Afghanistan, which led to a deadlock. The next stage of the Cold War resulted from the USSR ignoring warnings from Western countries. In the late 70s and early 80s, diplomacy between the powers was completely broken down, and the parties, as before, turned to nuclear threats.